L' article de l'Express, journal marqué à droite,   publié en 1994 et réédité en 2004, permet de comprendre
la construction qui a permis d'aboutir au "capitalisme du désastre"  qui a ravagé Haïti, son  coup d'Etat de 2004

La maîtrise de trafics juteux
Grisé par son impunité chronique, le général Raoul Cédras renonce à entretenir l'illusion de la légalité. Naguère soucieux de cultiver un profil d'officier policé, le général mulâtre s'affiche en compagnie d'étranges cerbères. Sa sécurité rapprochée échoit à une clique de gros bras d'ascendance syro-libanaise, cagoulés de noir. Détenteur d'un passeport américain, l'inquiétant Romeo Halloun, mentor de ces «ninjas» des Caraïbes, siège dans l'antichambre exiguë du commandant en chef, aux côtés du Canadien Lynn Garrison, éminence grise au passé tortueux. Quoique dirigé par Emile Jonassaint, ancien président de la Cour suprême, le gouvernement provisoire installé en mai dernier par les putschistes paraît lui aussi céder au laisser-aller. Pour preuve, cette perle due à Carl Denis, ancien armateur, propriétaire d'un restaurant à l'enseigne du P'tit Porc et conseiller au palais: «Difficile de retourner à l'ordre légal sans fermer les yeux sur la lettre de la Constitution.» A l'en croire, une abstention massive ne ternirait en rien la validité du scrutin que le «régime de facto» prétend convoquer avant le printemps 1995. Aussi avide de reconnaissance planétaire que de blanc-seing électoral, ce semblant de pouvoir peine à imposer son autorité. Même quand il place sous scellés une cargaison de carburant humanitaire ou entrave l'évacuation vers les Etats-Unis de centaines de réfugiés politiques haïtiens. De même, le cabinet fantoche prétendra avoir signé avec le Vatican un contrat de livraison de blé. Marché vigoureusement démenti au Saint-Siège, pourtant connu pour sa bienveillance envers les tombeurs d'Aristide. Etrange gouvernement, témoin passif de l'effondrement de la gourde - la monnaie haïtienne - de l'envolée des prix et du naufrage de l'économie. Jamais Port-au-Prince n'a tant marché: le «tap-tap», taxi collectif, s'avère trop cher. Chaque semaine, Rose-André nourrit 14 personnes avec 100 gourdes. De quoi acheter deux poulets. Recherché, son mari, agronome, se cache à deux heures d'ici; il n'a pas vu ses trois gamins depuis avril. La fabrique de bonneterie où travaillait sa fille a fermé en juin. Si un enfant tombe malade? Elle joint les mains et lève les yeux au ciel: «On prie.» A qui la faute? «A l'ambago.» Cet embargo qui accable les démunis, écorne l'opulence des nantis et laisse les galonnés de marbre.
http://www.lexpress.fr/actualite/monde/amerique/les-pantomimes-de-port-au-prince_491687.html

Haïti - 1989 1) Articles de presse concernant le moratoire sur Haïti. 2) Articles sur les développements majeurs survenus au cours des deux derniers mois.

 1) Veuillez trouver ci-joints les documents suivants à l'annexe 1:

Tasso L. 1989, "De nombreux appuis aux Haïtiens menacés d'expulsion", La Presse, 18 janvier.

Leclerc J.C. 1989, "Le retour des macoutes: il serait criminel d'expulser maintenant des Haïtiens", Le Devoir, 19 janvier.

Tison M. 1989, "Le ministère des Affaires extérieures et les dangers à Haïti: deux poids, deux mesures", Le Devoir, 20 janvier.

Tison M. 1989, "Ottawa refuse tout moratoire sur les Haïtiens menacés d'expulsion", Le Devoir, 3 février.

2) Nous vous prions de consulter les quelques brèves nouvelles suivantes concernant la situation à Haïti au cours des deux derniers mois (annexe 2):

 1989, "La menace d'un putsch en Haïti n'est pas écarté", Le Devoir, 2 juin.

 1989, "Les Haïtiens ignorent quand ils voteront", Le Devoir, 8 juin.

 1989, "Assassinat politique en Haïti", Le Devoir, 7 juillet.

 1989, "Haïti: fusillade", Libération, 11 juillet.

Veuillez également noter les faits suivants, tirés de deux autres publications (Haiti Insight: A Bulletin on Refugee and Human Rights Affairs, 1(3) juillet 1989: 4-5, et Latin American Regional Reports Caribbean, 20 juillet 1989: 7) et des bulletins de nouvelles de la British Broadcasting Corporation, Monitoring Service, Summary of World Broadcasts, 20 juin au 15 août 1989):
La suite de l'article :link

Extraits de l'article :

by: David Hencke  |  Visit article original @ The Guardian UK

Sources
http://haitiforever.com/windowsonhaiti/news.html

L'île de la Tortue
Cinq colonnes à la une
ORTF - 01/06/1962 - 00h10m59s

http://www.ina.fr/archivespourtous/index.php?vue=notice&id_notice=CAF93014206

C'est un travail de Jean-Philippe Belleau, publié en avril 2008
la dernière modification date de juin 2008
Je vous donne toutes ces précisions parce qu'il existe un certain nombre de textes anonymes
ou bien sur des noms d'emprunt diffusés sur le net
qui avancent des faits auxquels  les auteurs et/ou les diffuseurs n'apportent aucunes preuves.
Le but de cette désinformation est d'instaurer un climat de peur
de faire obstruction à la vérité
de pérenniser le chaos dans lequel l'injustice fait son lit.
Ce sont des méthodes très connues dont le journaliste Michel Collon a rappelé les principes de base :
1. Cacher l’Histoire.
 2. Cacher les intérêts économiques.
3. Diaboliser celui qui nous résiste.
4. “Nous” sommes neutres et cherchons le bien de tous.
5. Ceux qui pensent autrement que nous, sont exclus des médias.
  comme l'a si bien dit le philosophe, Voltaire :
Ceux qui peuvent vous faire croire des absurdites peuvent vous faire commettre des atrocites!

Le rapport entier et en angalis peut être lu à cette adresse : link

En voici quelques extraits traduits :

1957 (June 15-16): The Haitian army killed between several hundred (Leconte, 1999) and three thousand (Pierre-Charles, 1973) supporters of President Fignolé — who was popular among the disenfranchised sectors of the capital city — after having overthrown him and forced him into exile. Most of the victims had lived in the poor neighborhoods of Bel-Air, La Saline and Saint-Martin. General Kebreau, who was responsible for the killings, was nicknamed General Thompson, in reference to the automatic weapons used by his soldiers. Backed by politician François Duvalier, Kebreau proclaimed himself head of the executive branch of government and organized the September 22 elections, later won by Duvalier. It was during this period that the army established the basis for a totalitarian order (Trouillot, 1990: 152).
* (Pierre-Charles, 1973: 38 and 44; Leconte, 1999: 38)


1957-1986: The dictatorial Duvalier regime
1957-1986 : Le régime dictatorial

François Duvalier, known as Papa Doc, was elected president with the army’s support in 1957 and ruled Haiti until his death in 1971. His son, Baby Doc, then replaced him and ruled until 1986. Papa Doc’s regime, the more brutal of the two, is said to be responsible for 30,000 to 50,000 assassinations and executions. The Duvaliers relied on a secret armed militia called Tonton macoutes (its official name was the Volontaires de la Sécurité Nationale, or National Security Volunteers), which imposed a rule of terror on the Haitian population (Diederich and Burt, 2005). This regime qualified as a totalitarian one according to Trouilot (1990), who carried out a detailed study of the roots and forms of Duvalierism.


During this period, most of the killings and executions targeted small groups of individuals and therefore can not be listed here. The total number of political prisoners who starved to death, were executed, or died under torture in public or private prisons remains unknown. The regime did not formally record who was imprisoned and who was executed, nor did it even attempt to keep track of this. According to the National Palace Chief of Police, Jean Tassy, 2,053 individuals were killed from 1957 to 1967, in the police headquarters alone (Pierre-Charles, 1973: 56).
Beyond opponents of the regime, the targeted groups cannot be defined in traditional political terms, which made the Duvalierist violence fundamentally new (Trouillot, 1990: 166-170). Also, for the first time in Haiti’s history, women (Trouillot, 1990: 153 and 167), children and even infants were targeted by the regime. In several occasions, young children were tortured.


Contrary to the post-dictatorial periods in Latin America, efforts to record and document the killings and executions with precision were not successful, or were not officially recognized. The most exhaustive study was carried out by CRESFED, a local NGO (Pierre-Charles, 2000). For a detailed list of some of the victims of this regime, two victims’ and academic organizations’ web sites based in the United States can be consulted (Férère and Fordi9). For a detailed list of the most emblematic individuals responsible for executions and killings committed by macoutes and the military, see Pierre-Charles (2000: 45-49).
** (Trouillot, 1990; Pierre-Charles, 1973 and 2000; Lemoine, 1996; Romulus, 1995)

1963 (April 26): In Port-au-Prince, macoutes carried out a series of assassinations of the families of alleged opponents to the government after a failed attempt to kidnap Papa Doc’s son Jean-Claude. macoutes typically raided a house of alleged opponents, killed its inhabitants, including elderly people, children and servants, with guns and machetes, before moving to another house of an alleged opponent of the regime. The Benoît, Edelyn and Paris families were exterminated and their bodies left in full view in front of their houses. The Vieux family lost four of its members. Other individuals were killed in the street or while driving their car. The total number of victims was close to a hundred. Several dozens of people were also taken to the Fort-Dimanche prison in Port-au-Prince and were later “disappeared”, a method used afterward by the military regimes in Chile (1973-1989), Argentina (1976-1983) and Brazil (1964-1985). Most of the victims were from the military, social and intellectual elites of the country. The attempted kidnapping had been orchestrated by Clément Barbot, a macoute and former head of the secret services of Papa Doc, to whom he was close.
*** (Pierre-Charles, 2000: 85-86; Avril, 1999: 146-149; Interviews with witnesses)


1964 (August): Event known as the “massacre des Vêpres jérémiennes.” In the locality of Jérémie (in the Southwest of the country), army soldiers led by Lt. Abel Jerome, Lt. Sony Borge, Col. Regala and by macoutes Sanette Balmir and St. Ange Bomtemps killed 27 individuals (men, women and children); almost all of them belonged to educated mulatto families. All the perpetrators knew the executed families well. Several families from Jérémie (the Sansaricq, Drouin and Villedrouin families) were entirely wiped out. A four-year child, Stéphane Sansaricq, was tortured in front of his relatives before being killed. macoutes Sony Borges and Gérard Brunache extinguished their cigarettes in the eyes of crying children.
The websites mentioned above list most of the victims. These assassinations were ordered by dictator Papa Doc himself as a part of reprisals against an embryonic anti-Duvalier guerrilla group known as Jeune Haiti that had landed in the region (but none of them were in Jérémie). In fact, the killing also had ideological and racial dimensions, as Duvalier relied on a political ideology known as noirisme (“Blackism”), through which he claimed to promote the black masses against “mulatto elites.” Hence, the Duvalier dictatorship targeted mulatto sectors of society, seen as prone to political opposition, but also as illegitimate members of the nation.
None of those responsible for the killings and none of the perpetrators were brought to justice. In 1986, after the departure of Jean-Claude Duvalier, Colonel Regala, who sent the order to execute the Sansericq family, became one of the members of the ruling junta. *** (Chassagne, 1999: 235-262; Pierre-Charles, 2000: 94-102)


1964 (July-August): Following a raid on June 24, 1964 by an anti-Duvalierist, Dominican Republic-based guerrilla group in the southeastern region of the country, the macoutes and the army carried out a vast repression operation and killed about 600 people in the towns of Mapou, Thiotte, Grand-Gosier and Belle-Anse. One of the killings has remained in collective memory as the “massacre of the peasants of Thiotte.” Men, women, children, infants and elderly people suspected either of having helped the guerrilla movement, or of not having opposed it, were slaughtered by the macoutes. Several families were entirely exterminated. A nine-year old child from one of them managed to escape but was later found and then brought to the Presidential Palace, where he was allegedly put to death by François Duvalier himself.